American Language essays

American Language essays In the beginning, this country wpot. Many different people, from many different countries, of many differas a melting ent ethnic groups, speaking in many different tongues came to America. English arose as the predominant language of the United States. Over time, people realized the importance of staying in touch with their cultural backgrounds, including the language of their native countries. The main problem presented now lies in communication and interaction with each other. It is obvious that miscommunication causes problems. An English Only law will unite Americans and give them all a common ground on which to communicate. It will diminish racial conflicts, as well as encourage immigrants to become involved in the U.S. society and become successful. It will also improve the efficiency of government operations. Declaring English as the official language of the United States will resolve current issues and prevent problems in the future. The biggest and most obvious problem with speaking many different languages in one united country is communication. Many immigrants do not learn English at all. In fact, 213 different languages are spoken in the United States, and approximately 10 million U.S. residents do not speak fluent English (English Only 3). Some immigrants gradually pick up the language, but do not learn enough to bridge the communication gaps between themselves and the government. Even everyday communication creates tension. For example, when I go to my college library and ask for help finding information, some of the library aides speak broken English that is difficult to decipher. The hired library aides have trouble understanding what I am trying to find and I have trouble understanding them when they try to help me out. It is a very frustrating situation for both the aides and me. Along with communication difficulties, the language barrier among immigrants contributes to r...

The Definition of the N Word Essay Example

The Definition of the N Word Essay Example The Definition of the N Word Essay The Definition of the N Word Essay A word everyone is afraid to define except in utter seriousness, for fear of being branded racist, in total ignorance of the everyday usage of the word, it’s portrayal in popular culture, and the populations of the people it is used by. The definition of this word can be determined by the context and the quantifiers that are used before and after it. It is a word that can have a derogatory meaning or a complimentary meaning. It can be defined as a black person, a slave, or offensive slang. It can also be defined as a brother, a friend, or cousin, if it is being used in a playful way. This word is also referred to as the â€Å"N† word. One can’t explain the guilt felt when even just typing the word Nigger. Although many African Americans support the use of the word nigger in certain circumstances, the mass majority of African Americans who lived in the times where whites used the word in order to degrade African Americans would passionately believe that the word nigger should be eliminated from all forms of language. Consequently, people should never use the word nigger because not only does represent shamefulness, but also the word can serve as a double standard when non-blacks say it. Before the post-Civil Rights era, whites would frequently use the word nigger to social degrade and humiliate blacks. During this time, southern whites would commonly use the word nigger instead of Negro in order to represent superiority over the blacks. This was especially common for slave owners to refer to their slaves as niggers in order to both debase the slaves below human beings and to show ownership over their lives. Even though racist slave owners and other whites called blacks niggers during slave times, southern whites also referred to blacks as niggers throughout more than half of 20th Century. Where did the word nigger originate? Honestly, the whereabouts of the birthplace of the word nigger is still being debated. The immersion of the word however will never be forgotten. It would seem that nigger would come to be a derogatory nickname for African Americans. There has never, since the creation of the word nigger, been such a word that has had such an extensive impact. However, over the course of time, the nigger has evolved in pronunciation, usage, and meaning. Nigger is frequently traced to the Latin word niger, meaning black. The appearance of the word, at first, had no negative intentions. By the early 1800s it was established as a derogatory nickname. Ironically the area it was first used in this context in America, during slavery. Whether spoken, written, or shown in the media, reflect on the mass network of the anti-black prejudice. Nigger carried with it the anger, hatred, and disgust with it. It was used as noun, verb, and adjective to enforce the stereotype of Blacks being ignorant, lazy, dirty, and worthless. Nigger was used to strengthen words such as: Niggerish, Nigger-flicker, Nigger rich, and many, many more. The ladder of power suggested that the intimidation, deceit, and exploitation of blacks, was to help keep them in their place. From ministers to scientist the desire to prove that whites were superior to blacks was, in every way, socially acceptable. Of course with no choice but to take the demeaning abuse, blacks endured the ridicule. Even though the word nigger can represent a friendship between two blacks, there is definitely no need for the word ever to be used because if a white guy ever said whats up nigger spontaneously to one of his black friends, then out of instinct the black guy would receive a derogatory connotation because it was a white guy using the word. Now, how is it not a double standard if a black person can say the word nigger to another black person and the situation is normal, however if a white person refers to a black person as nigger than all hell breaks loose? If black people argue that this double standard is ok, then for example if it was socially acceptable for white people to refer to other white people as crackers but socially unacceptable for black people to refer to white people as crackers. Civil rights organizations like the N. A. A. C. P. ould consider this racist of whites and file lawsuits for being discriminated against being allowed to refer to a white person as a cracker. The use of the word nigger is forbidden on television and almost all forms of public television because nigger is considered to be a racial slur, however, the word cracker which is racial slur against whites is completely acceptable on all forms of public entertainment. Overall, whether the word nigger is used a friendly situation or with intent to degrade another black person, the word always carries a socially inappropriate connotation and should never be used. Those blacks that argue that the word is acceptable under special circumstances when blacks use it amongst other blacks tend to be of youthful age and are completely naive and ignorant to the history and true definition of the word. To even consider referring to another human being of a different race as being worthless and less of a human being than myself is not only unethical, but also completely immoral. In addition, the double standard that the word possesses is entirely inappropriate because the idea that the color of a persons skin grants him or her special permission to say certain words is just absurd.

PESTLE analysis for John Lewis and Marks and Spencer Essay

PESTLE analysis for John Lewis and Marks and Spencer - Essay Example higher level of political scrutiny over food retail outlets because it is the second largest employer in the UK; with public health assuming a more important focus, there has been a tighter regulation of food stores for this Company. Transition from the traditional supply chain management system to a system of vendor managed inventory, which in conjunction with a tailor made forecasting package, has produced gains for Marks and Spencer and made it one of the most profitable and efficient retailers. (Storey et al, 2003). The Company rarely needs to sell its products at discounts because the supply side is well managed. The percentage of revenues accruing from international sales has increased to 7.1% of group turnover.(2007 Annual report), however maintaining this is a challenge in the face of increased competition in the European Common Market, the development of the common currency – the Euro and changes in VAT Marks and Spencer started off primarily as a clothes retailer; however it has now expanded into food and home products to compete effectively in the global market. British retail competitors of Marks and Spencer are also large corporate chains, which may have their headquarters outside the country, hence outsourcing activities and knowledge management becomes a key element affecting operating as well as long term profitability. Marks and Spencer staff have mostly been recruited young and continued within the organization for many years; as a result, there are some set procedures and routines in operating which have become integral to the staff and has produced resistance among employees to changes within the organization.(Mellahi et al, 2002) Existing markets for Marks and Spencer have expanded beyond UK and has produced a change from the traditional focus of London as the major retail center to a more diffused network of customers and stores across the globe. Companies are required to improve corporate governance in accordance with the Turnbull

The importance of profound leadership & organization management in Essay

The importance of profound leadership & organization management in these outsourcing transitioning times - Essay Example Therefore, it is necessary to use outsourcing as a vital partner in competitive business and hence, succeed in them. In today's world of competitive nature and globalizing world, everything is available to everyone at the cost of something though the whole world is messed up with confusing or labyrinthine solutions. But what is this world based on to meet up to the globalization and services its offering Its motherboard is business and business ideals complete all desires at some cost. Business has its ideals and etiquette backed upon by effective management with recent techniques and better leadership. Managers employ shrewd business techniques to manage the income of the company as well as to satisfy customers. The recent and well known business methodology is outsourcing. Outsourcing, in short is a subcontract, to a third-party company. In other words, outsourcing involves transfer of processes of a business function to an external service provider. The outsourcing is often made to lower firm costs, conserve energy or to make more efficient use of labor, technology and resources. Successful outsourcing hinges on consistency, competency, continuity and contract. Consistency is that the company should get continuous orders; competency is the need for the company to maintain and recruit intellectual persons of right standard very much suitable to sustain better outsourcing. Continuity is getting outsourcing contracts regularly or else the client may look in for some other company or change its management ideal itself. Every individual or a concern needs to face considerable problems. Management Maestros are no exception to these fatal problems. Also the same challenges mean different to various levels of competitors. Maestros too need to concentrate on their challenges and they strike them at different angles. One such Maestro is Exxon Mobil, the world's largest oil company. It faced a grave disaster when the oil tanker Exxon Valdez struck Bligh Reef on 24th March 1989. Problems like this make the company devise some methods to continue their usual processes and also tackle the challenge. This demands a great job for the manager. Still more different was the challenge that stroke it later, it was its implicit incapability to tackle problems in relation to outsourcing and transitions. A problem with respect to economy would just lead to economic instability, but more profound is the problem concerning employee stability. The company seemed to face challenges in this front. Dallas, the third largest city in Texas, has many business leaders like Exxon Mobil providing employment to thousands of highly skilled Dallasites. Some Argentinean employers who came to Dallas DFOC to obtain training were considered being an effective substitute for the Dallasites as they offered to work for nearly a 13th of the salary. This behavior matured into a more meaningful form of outsourcing. This outsourcing grew stronger with the support of the Dallasite's experienced personnel who trained the Argentineans. But soon Dallasites began to realize the approaching misfortune, a potential risk of losing their jobs. The workers would turn against

The feeling of epiphany Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

The feeling of epiphany - Essay Example While at work, a doctor will encounter people with varied problems, attitudes and personalities. Sometimes, the pressures of life and problems that people encounter each day may push them to the edge of their patience. At such times, doctors will take out their anger and frustration on their patients, in complete contravention of the code of conduct they should follow. Before judging them, one should first understand their state of mind and the circumstances surrounding their reactions. According to the Doctor’s stories, patients fail to understand that they too are human. Some of them fail to understand that doctors too get tired and have problems since they are human beings. The storyteller has human feelings and empathizes with a patient brought in after a violent arrest incident. However, despite these feelings, he realizes that he has to change the way he deals with him to be able to help him (Hewson 489). The doctor has learnt a lesson that sometimes in life in order to do the right thing and help people, one has to do something wrong first. While the doctor is trying hard to hold the patient still, he is resisting and trying to fight off even those who are trying to help him (Chrisette 489). This is a classic case of people who put up fights even when it is not helping them. However, despite having to do something wrong in order to help someone else, the guilt associated with the act can be quite difficult to get over. The doctor had to use extreme measures to pin down the patient and secure his head in place so that he can stich him. The doctor used threads and then adopted an almost diabolical attitude to enable him treat the patient. The diabolical attitude was effective in scaring the patient into submission. The patient probably thought that he could bully the doctor trying to put up a show of defiance. He did not expect the doctor to react the way he

Al-Amanah Islamic Investment Bank Of The Philippines

Al-Amanah Islamic Investment Bank Of The Philippines Republic Act No. 6848, otherwise known as The Charter of the Al-Amanah Islamic Investment Bank of the Philippines outlines that the primary purpose of the Islamic bank is to promote and accelerate the socio-economic development of the Autonomous Region by performing banking, financing and investment operations and to establish and participate in agricultural, commercial and industrial ventures based on the Islamic concept of banking. In addition to allowing the bank to act as a universal bank capable of offering both conventional and Islamic banking products and services, the Sections No. 10 11 of the charter respectively provide incentives in the form of investor protection, and grant the bank the ability to accept grants and donations (Congress of the Philippines, 1989). Dimapunong (2006) provides background information and commentary on the rules and regulations governing the Al-Amanah Islamic Bank. A founding chairman of the bank, the author also wrote about the role of former senator Mamintal A. Tamanos role in the establishment of the original Philippine Amanah Bank, the precursor of the current Al-Amanah Islamic Investment Bank of the Philippines. A rare representative from Muslim Mindanao, the late senator was supposedly the first to envision a Muslim bank in the Philippines, at a time when modern Islamic banking was at its infancy. According to the author, the original PAB was not properly Shariah-compliant leading Ulama counsels to complain about the institution misleading the public. By 1988 it had been deemed a complete failure having already gone bankrupt (Dimapunong A. A.). Sandra Isnaji (2003) conducted a SWOT (Strength-Weakness-Opportunity-Threat) analysis of the Amanah Bank and prescribes a rehabilitation plan for the institution involving infusions of capital from the government in order to get rid of the banks debt and to invest in new infrastructure. Her paper was aimed at answering three questions with regard to the beleaguered banks status: (1) Where are we now? (2) Where do we want to be? and (3) How do we get there? To that extent, Isnaji looked at the state of Islamic banking industry as a whole, the state of the Philippine financial system, and the state of the Amanah bank itself. With regard to the Amanah Banks operations, Isnaji (2003) states that (at the time of writing) it operates on a two-window system in which it offers both Islamic and conventional financial products and services. And while the institution faced no competition from other Islamic banks, it faced stiff competition from the countrys conventional financial institutions, both formal and informal. With regard to the Philippine banking sector, the author used Porters Five Forces framework to analyze the ABs competition within it. The author findings are as follows: (1) With regard to the bargaining power of suppliers: the tight control of the Bangko Sentral affords it high bargaining power, to the advantage of state-owned banks such as the Amanah Bank; the bargaining power of multilateral and bilateral aid organizations(USTDA, WB, ADB, JBIC) is high due to their involvement with micro-finance and development banks; the large size and unorganized nature of the labor sector affords it little ba rgaining power; bargaining power among depositors is highly skewed towards the higher income deciles whos deposits account for 88.3% of the savings in banks, with the lower deciles having nor bargaining power. (2) With regard to the bargaining power of buyers, the higher income deciles belonging to the middle and upper classes resided and/or did business in the National Capital Region (NCR) and demand services such as à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦electronic banking, payroll services, and bill payments.; The power portions of the population find it difficult to obtain financing from formal banks due to their situation, and thus do not have much bargaining power, but their sheer numbers offer a potentially large market. (3) With regard to the threat of new entrants, any new Islamic banks allowed by the BSP could actually benefit the Amanah Bank by providing much needed visibility for the beleaguered Philippine Islamic banking sector. (4) With regard to the threat of substitute, notable alternatives that customers may opt for are informal financial institutions, employers that provide loan programs, or complete abstinence from banking entirely. Another threat is the outflow of capital from the country. (5) With regard to rivalry among existing players, the tendency of banks to be large tends to lead them to avoid small borrowers and savers, as such the government has had to develop the banking system so as to include such institutions as thrift and rural banks which cater to the needs of small borrowers and savers who would otherwise resort to informal institutions. In order to counter the threat of oligopoly the government competes in the financial sector via the Development Bank of the Philippines (DBP) and the Land Bank of the Philippines (LBP). (Isnaji, 2003) As a requirement of the Development Bank of the Philippines (DBP) acquisition of the Al-Amanah Islamic Investment Bank of the Philippines (AAIIBP), the Monetary Board of the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) required the DBP to submit a 5-year rehabilitation plan for the bank. The initial plan, submitted on 23 April 2008, was deemed inadequate by the BSP. As such a draft of the revised plan was submitted on 18 March 2009. The revised plan was divided into four parts: (1) a brief background elaborating on the institutions legal basis, purpose, and present situation, (2) a summary of its business plans, (3) details on the implementation of said business plans, (4) and five-year financial projections. (Panganiban, 2009) The revised rehabilitation plan of the Amanah Bank centers around 4Rs, specifically: Recapitalization via capital infusions from the DBP and domestic and foreign investors; this is aimed at covering the expenses of the banks rehabilitation Restoration of financial viability focused on à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦aggressive marketing efforts to introduce AAIIBPs new products and services, liquidation of non-performing assets and the sourcing of contingent fundsà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ Reorganization focused on building up institutional capacity, particularly with regard to Sharia compliance; involves organizational restructuring, relocation and refurbishing of bank offices, expansion and automation. Reforms institutionalization involves strengthening of corporate culture and governance, monitoring system, risk management and audit system, and review of product and operating manuals. Particular emphasis has been given to the recapitalization strategy which would provide the funds needed for the other three points of the rehabilitation. (Development Bank of the Philippines, March 2009) Islamic Banking Chong and Liu (2006) attempted to determine how different Islamic banking is from conventional banking by examining Islamic banking practice in Malaysia using the Engle-Granger error-correction methodology. In their study they find that despite being theoretically different, in practice Islamic banking in Malaysia is not very different from conventional banking. According to their study, only a negligible portion of Islamic bank financing in Malaysia is based on the profit-and-loss (PLS) sharing paradigm and that Islamic deposits are not interest-free, but are based on non-PLS modes that are permitted under Sharia law, but ignore the spirit of the usury prohibition. This parallels Islamic banking experience in other countries. The authors conclude that Islamic banking practices cannot differ too greatly from conventional banking practice due to stiff competition that makes interest-free Islamic deposits closely pegged to conventional deposits. This conclusion can have implications fo r the brand is Islamic banking, particularly with regard to its often touted non-interest-based character. However, it also has analytical and regulatory implications; the similarity of Islamic banking practices to conventional banking practices would simplify the task of both studying and regulating Islamic banking. The findings of this study mirror an earlier paper by Movassaghi and Zamans (2002). In it, they attempt to re-examine the concept of riba in light of Islamic jurisprudence. In that paper they compare Islamic banking practices with conventional banking practices in order to highlight that neither all conventional practices are usurious, nor are modern Islamic banking practices significantly different from those of conventional banks. They also assert that many differences between the profit/loss sharing paradigm of Islamic banking and conventional interest-based merely superficial. In addition to questions of practice, Chong and Lius study also asked the question of whether or not the growth of Islamic banking over the past several years was due to the comparative advantages of the Islamic banking paradigm, or to the Islamic resurgence that began in the 1960s. Based on their findings, the authors are inclined to adopt the latter view. This view is also compatible with the findings of a study cited by Isnaji (2003), done by the Meezan Bank of Pakistan which identified several key success factors in the experience of Islamic banks in other countries: (1) strong religious consciousness among the Muslim population, (2) support from the government in the form of financial infrastructure and favorable regulations, (3) promotion, (4) [increases] in individual wealth, and (5) a wide variety of financial products and services. Public Enterprises/Public Enterprise Reform Basu (2005) gives an overview of the background and concept of public enterprise, highlighting the particular experience of India in this matter. distinguishing it from the broader term public sector by adopting the definition adopted by the International Centre of Public Enterprises (ICPE): Any commercial, financial, industrial, agricultural or promotional undertaking owned by public authority, either wholly or through majority share holding which is engaged in the sale of goods and services and whose affairs are capable of being recorded in balance sheets and profit and loss accounts. Such undertakings may have diverse legal and corporate forms, such as departmental undertakings, public corporations, statutory agencies, established by Acts of Parliament or Joint Stock Companies registered under the Company Law. The author then goes on to elaborate these three categories. Basu further elaborates on the theory of public enterprises by elaborating on four types of economic activity based on the concept of remuneration as well as that of natural monopoly. (Basu, 2005) Basu highlights the equal importance of accountability and efficiency in the management of public enterprises, stating the important role of institutional arrangements in this matter. The author then elaborates on the creation of public enterprises with regard to government policy in terms of the strategies of nationalization or introduction of a new activity and states that most post-independence cases consisted of the latter. Basu emphasizes the idea that neither the state nor the market is immune to failure and that current emphasis should be on the idea of public-private synergy, and that attention should be put on both on public-private partnership and competition to achieve the objectives of efficiency and welfare. He then highlights the link between public finance and public enterprise, stating that shortsighted approaches of several developing countries including India to reduce fiscal deficit by selling public enterprises- which follow from inadequacies of public finance man agement could be disastrous in the long run (Basu, 2005). Stiglitz (2000) identifies two major categories in which public enterprises may systematically be more inefficient than private enterprises: organizational and individual. Under the former are sub-categories regarding organizational incentives, personnel restrictions, procurement restrictions, and budget restrictions. These pertain to public enterprises organizational rules and procedures which may hamper those enterprises efficiency and performance. The nature of public firms can mean that they may not necessarily need worry about incurring losses in their operations since any such losses may be covered by public funding. The bureaucratic nature of these enterprises may also entail strict procedures with regard to the hiring and firing of employees and the appropriation of needed materials, increasing transaction costs for both the demanding firm and possible suppliers (private forms and individuals). Lastly, there is the issue of budget restrictions due to governments having to all ocate limited financial resources among various agencies and projects. (Stiglitz, 2000) The latter category pertains to the behavior of individual bureaucrats under the incentive structure of public enterprises. Low wages and security of tenure may provide disincentives for bureaucrats to perform efficiently. Bureaucrats are also argued to be budget maximizers in that they seek to maximize the size of their bureaucracies by encouraging increased expenditures on their respective agencies. Stiglitz cites Niskanen with regard to principal-agent problems in bureaucracies wherein government bureaucrats act in their own interests and not necessarily in the interests of the citizens whom they are supposed to serve. (Stiglitz, 2000) Chang (2007) presents a discussion of the issue of state enterprise reform. Chang argues that theoretically there is no clear case with for or against state-owned enterprises (SOEs) by citing arguments for (natural monopoly, capital market failure, externalities, equity) and against (principal-agent problem, free-rider problem, soft budget restrains), the author also points out that large SOEs and large private sector firms often face similar (principal-agent) problems. This mirrors Stiglitzs statement that Principal-agent problems arise in all organization, whether public or private and are particularly acute in large organizations. In both private and public cases, managers often have large amounts of discretion allowing them to pursue their own interests. (Stiglitz, 2000) In citing the issues of public enterprises in comparison to private enterprises, many often assume away the agency problems of private firms, thus comparing idealized private firms with real-life SOEs, the former of which would obviously come out on top (Chang, 2007). Chang 92007) points out that privatization is not the only solution to the problems of many SOEs, and that many intermediate third way solutions exist. The author elaborates that privatization as an option has its costs and limitations and should only be taken on certain conditions, many of which are not met in reality leading to many failed attempts at privatization that cause more problems than they solve. As such, the third way options (organizational reform, increasing competition, political and administrative reforms) ought to be considered before privatization. (Chang, 2007) Rational Choice Theory/Institutional Economics Rational/Public Choice Theory Rational Choice Theory refers to those theories of the social sciences which utilize the analytical tools of neoclassical economics, particularly, the core assumption of rational (utility-maximizing) and self-interested individuals. (Hindmoor, 2006) Hindmoor (2002) states that rational choice theorists employ an instrumental conception of rationality in which actions are judged as being rational to the extent that they constitute the best way of achieving some goal. He identifies two conceptualizations of rationality: The first (the axiomatic approach) conceives a rational person as someone whos preference-ordering over bundles of goods and services is reflexive, complete, transitive and continuous. The second (the optimizing approach) conceives the rational person as one who possesses optimal beliefs and acts in optimal ways given those beliefs and desires. (Hindmoor, 2006) Hindmoor writes that rationality is a controversial assumption in political science, particularly in light of the concept of bounded rationality. As such, he says that such an assumption must be justified and looks at the two approaches in order to determine which is more defensible. Under the umbrella heading of rational choice theory can be found the sub-theories of public choice, which, in turn, constituted transplanting the general analytical framework of economics into political science. (Tullock, 2002) Tullocks primary contribution to rational/public choice theory is his theories on rent-seeking, which he defines as the use of resources for the purpose of obtaining rents for people where the rents themselves come from some activity that has negative social value. Tullock continues: The concept of rent seeking as popularly perceived refers to legal and illegal activities to obtain special privileges such as seeking monopoly status, special zoning, quantitative restrictions on imports, protective tariffs, bribes, threats, and smuggling. (Tullock, 2002) Indeed, rent-seeking has actually come to dominate the literature of rational choice theory. Hindmoor (2006) cites the plethora of studies done on various countries, on various topics to emphasize this point. He looks to three possible explanations for this: (1) the name-recognition of the term rent-seeking itself, (2) the adaptability and extendibility of Tullocks argument which à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦can be extended to cover the analysis of any and all special economic privilegesà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦, and (3) the fact that it offered a hostile theory of state, which could be used to counter welfare economists arguments for government intervention. On the second reason, Hindmoor supplements Tullocks original argument by pointing out that interest groups also spend resources to prevent rivals from obtaining rents and to secure their own and that governments may also practice rent-extraction. (Hindmoor, 2006) Tullock (2002) identifies several costs involved in rent seeking: The first being the actual cost of obtaining the special privilege. Of which the author provides the example of the costs of lobbying in Washington D.C. Greater costs are incurred from the distortion of the voting process, wherein public officials who are elected to pursue certain policies or projects often also pursue other less beneficial projects of which the true cost cannot be typically counted due to those politicians not disclosing the details of deals they have made. The greatest costs, however, are the indirect costs caused by rent seeking behavior. In particular, the involvement of intelligent and energetic people in an activity that contributes either nothing or negatively to society. The opportunity cost of such activities, he argues, far exceed their direct costs. (Tullock, 2002) Tullock (2002) argues that the development of rent seeking activities is influenced by many factors, in particular the structure and design of government. In general, he argues, any rule that complicates and makes the functioning of the government government decisionmaking process less smooth will lower the amount of rent seeking. He concludes his discussion on the topic by emphasizing that there are as of yet no good measures of the costs of rent-seeking (Tullock, 2002). Hindmoor (2006) cites Von Mises in defining bureaucracy as à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦any organization which specialises in the supply of those services the value of which cannot be exchanged for money at a per-unit rate. Such organizations, Von Mises suggests, find themselves effectively exempted from the demands of economic calculation and are, as a result, usually inefficient. He also cites Tullock: à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦the crucial feature of bureaucracies is not simply that they are hierarchies, but pyramidal hierarchies with fewer people at the top than in the lower ranks. This leads to a principal-agent relationship, with all its problems of information asymmetry (Hindmoor, 2006). In his section of Public Choice, Tullock also discusses bureaucracy. He writes that: Bureaucrats are much like other people and, like people in general, are more interested in their own well-being than in the public interest. The problem is in designing institutions in such a way as to harness bureaucrats self-interest to serve the public interest (Tullock, 2002). The core problem with bureaucracy is encapsulated by Tullock in one paragraph: In most bureaucracies the executive whether in General Motors, the Department of State, or the Exchequer is in a position where only to a minor extent is his or her own interest involved. Bureaucrats will make many decisions that will have little or no direct effect on themselves and hence can be made with the best interests of General Motors or the American or the British people at heart. Unfortunately bureaucrats, in general, have only weak motives to consider these problems carefully, but they do have strong motives to improve their status in the bureaucracy, whether by income, power, or simply the ability to take leisure while sitting in plush offices. They are more likely to be more concerned with this second set of objectives than the first, although they may not put very much effort into it because not much effort is required (Tullock, 2002). Tullock then further draws parallels between public and private bureaucrats. He argues that both will attempt to maximize gains for their respective employers if it pays off for them. But in neither case does the institutional structure lead bureaucrats to maximizing the well-being of their superiors. He qualifies, though, that private corporations have a much easier time in pursing their goals efficiently than do governments. He cites three reasons for this: the comparatively simple objective of stockbrokers (profit maximization), the reasonably accurate methods of measuring the performance of corporate managers (bureaucrats) in the form of accounting, and the difference in the ownership of benefits from the efficient management of bureaucracies (private profit vs. public interest) (Tullock, 2002). Lastly, Tullock elaborates upon several proposals with regard to bureaucratic reform: decentralization, depriving bureaucrats of the vote, and downsizing the size of bureaucracy. He discusses how it is often in the interest of bureaucrats to increase the size of their departments , although in some cases downsizing does occur without the objection of senior bureaucrats due to such measures not affecting them aversely or even benefiting them by, for example, leading to more highly paid positions at the top while cutting down from below. Most intriguing is his characterization of bureaucratic behaviour as resembling that of people with hobbies, albeit with two major differences: it does not cost bureaucrats very much since they are predominantly using other peoples resources and that most bureaucrats honestly think that whatever it is they do is not for their benefit alone, but for the country or their bureau. (Tullock, 2002) This mirrors Niskanens theory on bureaucracy, wherein he asserts that bureaucrats find it in their interest to maximize their budgets and that they are often successful in doing so. Niskanen, himself defines bureaucracies as à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦non-profit-making organization whose revenues derive from periodic grants (Hindmoor, 2006). Niskanen also à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦follows Downs in assuming that bureaucrats value a range of goods including power, monetary income, prestige and security. Yet he cuts through the complexities o Downs argument by suggesting that nearly all of these variables are positively related to the size of the bureaucrats budget (Hindmoor, 2006). Tullock (2002) elaborates goes on to the relationship between bureaucrats and two other major groups of political actors: politicians and pressure groups. Tullock focuses on the ability of bureaucrats to often lord over their superiors thanks to their security of tenure. Two bureaucratic tactics are discussed: the use of leaks to undermine or embarrass superiors, and the use of essential programs as proverbial shields in the fact of budget cuts. With regard to pressure groups, the collusion is the cited issue, wherein bureaus and interest groups work together to gain mutual benefits from government. (Tullock, 2002) With regard to this relationship Niskanen argues that the bureaucrats have two advantages over politicians which allow them to increase their budgets: (1) greater information on the costs involved in their bureaucracies provision of goods, and (2) the ability to à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦make take-it-or-leave-it offers to their political patrons (Hindmoor, 2006). Politicians on the o ther hand are attributed four capacities: (1) the ability to select the bureaucracys overall output, (2) the ability to ensure that bureaucrats fulfill their promises in return for an agreed budget, (3) the ability to ensure that à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦the total benefits individuals derive from consuming whatever output it is that the bureaucracy provides are equal to or greater than the total costs of providing it (Hindmoor, 2006) and (4) the ability to ensure that à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦the marginal benefits of any output are not negative (Hindmoor, 2006). As Hindmoor points out, however, Niskanen has accepted the argument of Jean-Luc Migue and Gerard Belanger (1974) that bureaucrats do not so much maximize the size of their budget, but rather that of their discretionary budget, defined as the difference between their budget and the minimum costs of supplying their expected output. They argue that though this discretionary budget cannot be used by the bureaucrat for personal profit, it can be used to gain greater power, patronage, prestige, and so on (Hindmoor, 2006). Regardless of this distinction, however, the conclusion is still that the bureaucracies are inefficient because their budgets are too large. (Hindmoor, 2006) Hindmoor further critiques Niskanens argument by citing several works by multiple authors who point out that (1) politicians actually hold great power over bureaucrats, so much so that à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦bureaucrats can be deterred from making excessive demandsà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ (2) politicians can trick bureaucrats into revealing information on minimal costs by à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦asking them how much output they would be willing to provide at various per unit prices. (3) constituents and interest-groups may raise alarms about with regard to ineffective bureaucracies, (4) administrative rules and standard operating procedures keep bureaucracies in line, and (5) that à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦Congressional Committees have the formal power to hire and fire senior bureaucrats, ring-fence particular investments and hold investigations and public-hearings into an agencys performance (Hindmoor, 2006). In his discussion, Tullock concludes by emphasizing that bureaucrats are not necessarily bad people, but that the institutional arrangement often frees them of the constraint of efficiently carrying out the tasks to which they have been assigned. The author then iterates that both large governments and large private corporations necessitate bureaucracies, and that such bureaucracies can be both conducive and/or obstructive to good government. (Tullock, 2002) Now, while rational choice theory certainly dominates discussion of government inefficiency Field (1979) argues that while it provides an easy framework for analysis, it is incapable of providing explanations. He argues that since rational choice models are as incapable of providing sufficiently restrictive predictions, which provide accounts which tell why a certain outcome was reached instead of another. He points to the inability of neoclassical economic analysis in explaining oligopolies, citing that Economists can analyze an existing cartel by pointing to the benefits which participating companies receive as the result of restricting output and raising prices. But economist can equally well analyze the absence of a cartel by pointing to the benefits individual members would obtain by violating such an agreement. (Field, 1979) Field goes on to critique the idea of explaining social outcomes based on the conception that they spring from economic forces. He mentions that while rational choice models have the comparative advantage when it comes to understanding outcomes which are caused by economic forces, they do not take into consideration the ways in which social forces affect the operation of markets. (Field, 1979) Field thus argues that the inherent limitations of rational choice/economic models in explaining systems of rules mean that they are no replacement for institutional economists qualitative approach, which holds historical understanding of the à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦laws and customs organizing the process under investigationà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ as essential. However, he does make the consideration that while rational choice models cannot satisfactorily explain institutions by themselves, they can help. (Field, 1979) Institutional Economics R.A. Gordon (1963) attempts to outline the characteristics of institutional economics in the form of several propositions: (1) Economic behavior is strongly conditioned by the institutional environment (in all its manifestation) within which economic activity takes place, and economic behavior in turn affects the institutional environment. (2) This process of mutual interaction is an evolutionary one. The environment changes, and as it does, so do the determinants of economic behavior. Hence the need for an evolutionary approach to economics. (3) In this evolutionary process of interaction, a key role is played by the (largely conflicting) conditions imposed by modern technology and by the pecuniary institutions of modern capitalism. (4) Economics is more concerned with conflict than with a harmonious order in which unconscious [cooperation] results from the free play of market forces. (5) Since conflict underlies so many economic relationships, and since these relationships are not immutable, there is room and need for social control of economic activity. (6) We need to learn all that we can from psychology, sociology, anthropology, and law if we are to understand why human beings act as they do in their economic roles. People are not maximizing automata reacting mechanically in an institutional vacuum. (7) Granted the preceding assumptions, much of orthodox economic theory is either wrong or irrelevant because it makes demonstrably false assumptions and does not ask the really important questions. A new, broader, evolutionary theory based on behavioral assumptions derived from the other social sciences and on detailed knowledge of the evolution and present characteristics of the institutional environment needs to be constructed. A wide variety of empirical studies must precede the attempt to construct such a broader, evolutionary, and more realistic corpus of theory (Gordon, 1963). Thorstein Veblen is commonlyà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦regarded as the founding father or guiding spirit of American institutionalism. (Ayres, 1964) In Institutional Economics, Ayres argues that the central idea of Veblens works was a call for a completely different ontology of economics with a completely different conception of what constituted the economy. Whereas the conception of mainstream economics has been that the economic system is centered on the concept of the market and tied together by individuals self-interest. Instead, Ayres asserts that Veblen took on an anthropological conception of the economy. One where in it is the state of industrial arts that gives occasion to exchange, so the extent of the market must always be limited by the state of the industrial arts. This was the direct opposite of the thinking of mainstream economics at that point: that the various aspects of civilizations development could be attributed to market forces. (Ayres, 1964) Ayres puts Veb

Writing of James Baldwin Essay -- Notes of a Native Son

The Writing Wisdom of James Baldwin James Baldwin is not known by much of America’s youth today, and his writings are not taught in many schools. His style of writing, however, is ultimately unique. Baldwin’s African-American viewpoint is very rare, creating a fresh way to look upon American culture and ethnicity. There also may be no other author like Baldwin that blends narrative and analysis seamlessly, while still keeping the reader interested in the story at hand. In â€Å"Notes of a Native Son,† Baldwin uses this weaving of narration and analysis to show his inability to see how his father’s personality had impacted and molded his own personality. In â€Å"Notes of a Native Son,† Baldwin’s mastery of weaving narrative and analysis is blatantly obvious. The premise behind the essay is the relationship between Baldwin and his father. The essay takes the reader through trials and tribulations in Baldwin’s life, including the spats between him and his father. Their relationship was, safe to say, slightly aloof. Baldwin describes throughout the essay the fact that he and his father would rarely speak, and that when they did, it usually ended in an argument. The essay also paints a picture of Harlem in the 1940’s, specifically during the massive riots of 1943. Baldwin describes other riots and social situations that were occurring around the rest of the country at the same time as the Harlem riots. The essay also describes the death of Baldwin’s father, and the emotions incurred by James and his family. Baldwin also does some reflection in this essay, describing his feelings towa rds his father and how they have changed over more than a decade since his death. Baldwin often uses his feelings towards ... ... The style at which Baldwin mixes true story with gut-wrenching emotion in â€Å"Notes of a Native Son† is absolutely astounding. He draws the reader into the story, and then lets them in to his heart and soul. His ability to incorporate his feelings with those of the African-American race is what makes this essay unique. He does not simply write the first half of the paper as a narrative, and then spend the final half analyzing himself. He analyzes himself at every opportunity that he sees fit, after every major occurrence in he and his father’s life. Baldwin’s blunt, perhaps even crude analysis of himself, his father, and both the white and black races shows that he is not afraid of what others think. Works Cited Baldwin, James. â€Å"Notes of a Native Son.† 1955. James Baldwin: Collected Essays. Ed. Toni Morrison. New York: Library of America, 1998. 63-84.

Foundation and Empire 19. Start Of The Search

The lonely planet, Haven – only planet of an only sun of a Galactic Sector that trailed raggedly off into intergalactic vacuum – was under siege. In a strictly military sense, it was certainly under siege, since no area of space on the Galactic side further than twenty parsecs distance was outside range of the Mule's advance bases. In the four months since the shattering fall of the Foundation, Haven's communications had fallen apart like a spiderweb under the razor's edge. The ships of Haven converged inwards upon the home world, and only Haven itself was now a fighting base. And in other respects, the siege was even closer; for the shrouds of helplessness and doom had already invaded Bayta plodded her way down the pink-waved aisle past the rows of milky plastic-topped tables and found her seat by blind reckoning. She eased on to the high, armless chair, answered half-heard greetings mechanically, rubbed a wearily-itching eye with the back of a weary hand, and reached for her menu. She had time to register a violent mental reaction of distaste to the pronounced presence of various cultured-fungus dishes, which were considered high delicacies at Haven, and which her Foundation taste found highly inedible – and then she was aware of the sobbing near her and looked up. Until then, her notice of Juddee, the plain, snub-nosed, indifferent blonde at the dining unit diagonally across had been the superficial one of the nonacquaintance. And now Juddee was crying, biting woefully at a moist handkerchief, and choking back sobs until her complexion was blotched with turgid red. Her shapeless radiation-proof costume was thrown back upon her shoulders, and her transparent face shield had tumbled forward into her dessert, and there remained. Bayta joined the three girls who were taking turns at the eternally applied and eternally inefficacious remedies of shoulder-patting, hair-smoothing, and incoherent murmuring. â€Å"What's the matter?† she whispered. One turned to her and shrugged a discreet, â€Å"I don't know.† Then, feeling the inadequacy of the gesture, she pulled Bayta aside. â€Å"She's had a hard day, I guess. And she's worrying about her husband.† â€Å"Is he on space patrol?† â€Å"Yes†. Bayta reached a friendly hand out to Juddee. â€Å"Why don't you go home, Juddee?† Her voice was a cheerfully businesslike intrusion on the soft, flabby inanities that had preceded. Juddee looked up half in resentment. â€Å"I've been out once this week already-â€Å" â€Å"Then you'll be out twice. If you try to stay on, you know, you'll just be out three days next week – so going home now amounts to patriotism. Any of you girls work in her department? Well, then, suppose you take care of her card. Better go to the washroom first, Juddee, and get the peaches and cream back where it belongs. Go ahead! Shoo!† Bayta returned to her seat and took up the menu again with a dismal relief. These moods were contagious. One weeping girl would have her entire department in a frenzy these nerve-torn days. She made a distasteful decision, pressed the correct buttons at her elbow and put the menu back into its niche. The tall, dark girl opposite her was saying, â€Å"Isn't much any of us can do except cry, is there?† Her amazingly full lips scarcely moved, and Bayta noticed that their ends were carefully touched to exhibit that artificial, just-so half-smile that was the current last word in sophistication. Bayta investigated the insinuating thrust contained in the words with lashed eyes and welcomed the diversion of the arrival of her lunch, as the tile-top of her unit moved inward and the food lifted. She tore the wrappings carefully off her cutlery and handled them gingerly till they cooled. She said, â€Å"Can't you think of anything else to do, Hella?† â€Å"Oh, yes,† said Hella. â€Å"I can!† She flicked her cigarette with a casual and expert finger-motion into the little recess provided and the tiny flash caught it before it hit shallow bottom. â€Å"For instance,† and Hella clasped slender, well-kept hands under her chin, â€Å"I think we could make a very nice arrangement with the Mule and stop all this nonsense. But then I don't have the†¦ uh†¦ facilities to manage to get out of places quickly when the Mule takes over.† Bayta's clear forehead remained clear. Her voice was light and indifferent. â€Å"You don't happen to have a brother or husband in the fighting ships, do you?† â€Å"No. All the more credit that I see no reason for the sacrifice of the brothers and husbands of others.† â€Å"The sacrifice will come the more surely for surrender.† â€Å"The Foundation surrendered and is at peace. Our men are away and the Galaxy is against us.† Bayta shrugged, and said sweetly, â€Å"I'm afraid it is the first of the pair that bothers you.† She returned to her vegetable platter and ate it with the clammy realization of the silence about her. No one in ear-shot had cared to answer Hella's cynicism. She left quickly, after stabbing at the button which cleared her dining unit for the next shift's occupant. A new girl, three seats away, stage-whispered to Hella, â€Å"Who was she?† Hella's mobile lips curled in indifference. â€Å"She's our coordinator's niece. Didn't you know that?† â€Å"Yes?† Her eyes sought out the last glimpse of disappearing back. â€Å"What's she doing here?† â€Å"Just an assembly girl. Don't you know it's fashionable to be patriotic? It's all so democratic, it makes me retch.† â€Å"Now, Hella,† said the plump girl to her right. â€Å"She's never pulled her uncle on us yet. Why don't you lay off?† Hella ignored her neighbor with a glazed sweep of eyes and lit another cigarette. The new girl was listening to the chatter of the bright-eyed accountant opposite. The words were coming quickly, â€Å"-and she's supposed to have been in the Vault – actually in the Vault, you know – when Seldon spoke – and they say the mayor was in frothing furies and there were riots, and all of that sort of thing, you know. She got away before the Mule landed, and they say she had the most tha-rilling escape – had to go through the blockade, and all – and I do wonder she doesn't write a book about it, these war books being so popular these days, you know. And she was supposed to be on this world of the Mule's, too – Kalgan, you know – and-â€Å" The time bell shrilled and the dining room emptied slowly. The accountant's voice buzzed on, and the new girl interrupted only with the conventional and wide-eyed, â€Å"Really-y-y-y?† at appropriate points. The huge cave lights were being shielded group-wise in the gradual descent towards the darkness that meant sleep for the righteous and hard-working, when Bayta returned home. Toran met her at the door, with a slice of buttered bread in his hand. â€Å"Where've you been?† he asked, food-muffled. Then, more clearly, â€Å"I've got a dinner of sorts rassled up. If it isn't much, don't blame me.† But she was circling him, wide-eyed. â€Å"Torie! Where's your uniform? What are you doing in civvies?† â€Å"Orders, Bay. Randu is holed up with Ebling Mis right now, and what it's all about, I don't know. So there you have everything.† â€Å"Am I going?† She moved towards him impulsively. He kissed her before he answered, â€Å"I believe so. It will probably be dangerous.† â€Å"What isn't dangerous?† â€Å"Exactly. Oh, yes, and I've already sent for Magnifico, so he's probably coming too.† â€Å"You mean his concert at the Engine Factory will have to be cancelled.† â€Å"Obviously.† Bayta passed into the next room and sat down to a meal that definitely bore signs of having been â€Å"rassled-up.† She cut the sandwiches in two with quick efficiency and said: â€Å"That's too bad about the concert. The girls at the factory were looking forward to it. Magnifico, too, for that matter.† She shook her head. â€Å"He's such a queer thing.† â€Å"Stirs your mother-complex, Bay, that's what he does. Some day we'll have a baby, and then you'll forget Magnifico.† ‘Bayta answered from the depths of her sandwich, â€Å"Strikes me that you're all the stirring my mother-complex can stand.† And then she laid the sandwich down, and was gravely serious in a moment. â€Å"Torie.† â€Å"M-m-m?† â€Å"Torie, I was at City Hall today – at the Bureau of Production. That is why I was so late today.† â€Å"What were you doing there?† â€Å"Well†¦Ã¢â‚¬  she hesitated, uncertainly. â€Å"It's been building up. I was getting so I couldn't stand it at the factory. Morale just doesn't exist. The girls go on crying jags for no particular reason. Those who don't get sick become sullen. Even the little mousie types pout. In my particular section, production isn't a quarter what it was when I came, and there isn't a day that we have a full roster of workers.† â€Å"All right,† said Toran, â€Å"tie in the B. of P. What did you do there?† â€Å"Asked a few questions. And it's so, Torie, it's so all over Haven. Dropping production, increasing sedition and disaffection. The bureau chief just shrugged his shoulders – after I had sat in the anteroom an hour to see him, and only got in because I was the co-ordinator's niece – and said it was beyond him. Frankly, I don't think he cared.† â€Å"Now, don't go off base, Bay.† â€Å"I don't think he did.† She was strenuously fiery. â€Å"I tell you there's something wrong. It's that same horrible frustration that hit me in the Time Vault when Seldon deserted us. You felt it yourself.† â€Å"Yes, I did.† â€Å"Well, it's back,† she continued savagely. â€Å"And we'll never be able to resist the Mule. Even if we had the material, we lack the heart, the spirit, the will – Torie, there's no use fighting-â€Å" Bayta had never cried in Toran's memory, and she did not cry now. Not really. But Toran laid a light hand on her shoulder and whispered, â€Å"Suppose you forget it, baby. I know what you mean. But there's nothing-â€Å" â€Å"Yes, there's nothing we can do! Everyone says that – and we just sit and wait for the knife to come down.† She returned to what was left of her sandwich and tea. Quietly, Toran was arranging the beds. It was quite dark outside. Randu, as newly-appointed co-ordinator – in itself a wartime post – of the confederation of cities on Haven, had been assigned, at his own request, to an upper room, out of the window of which he could brood over the roof tops and greenery of the city. Now, in the fading of the cave lights, the city receded into the level lack of distinction of the shades. Randu did not care to meditate upon the symbolism. He said to Ebling Mis – whose clear, little eyes seemed to have no further interest than the red-filled goblet in his hand – â€Å"There's a saying on Haven that when the cave lights go out, it is time for the righteous and hard-working to sleep.† â€Å"Do you sleep much lately?† â€Å"No! Sorry to call you so late, Mis. I like the night better somehow these days. Isn't that strange? The people on Haven condition themselves pretty strictly on the lack of light meaning sleep. Myself, too. But it's different now-â€Å" â€Å"You're hiding,† said Mis, flatly. â€Å"You're surrounded by people in the waking period, and you feel their eyes and their hopes on you. You can't stand up under it. In the sleep period, you're free.† â€Å"Do you feel it, too, then? This miserable sense of defeat?† Ebling Mis nodded slowly, â€Å"I do. It's a mass psychosis, an unprintable mob panic. â€Å"Ga-LAX-y, Randu, what do you expect? Here you have a whole culture brought up to a blind, blubbering belief that a folk hero of the past has everything all planned out and is taking care of every little piece of their unprintable lives. The thought-pattern evoked has religious characteristics, and you know what that means.† â€Å"Not a bit.† Mis was not enthusiastic about the necessity of explanation. He never was. So he growled, stared at the long cigar he rolled thoughtfully between his fingers and said, â€Å"Characterized by strong faith reactions. Beliefs can't be shaken short of a major shock, in which case, a fairly complete mental disruption results. Mild cases-hysteria, morbid sense of insecurity. Advanced cases – madness and suicide.† Randu bit at a thumbnail. â€Å"When Seldon fails us, in other words, our prop disappears, and we've been leaning upon it so long, our muscles are atrophied to where we can not stand without it.† â€Å"That's it. Sort of a clumsy metaphor, but that's it.† â€Å"And you, Ebling, what of your own muscles?† The psychologist filtered a long draught of air through his cigar, and let the smoke laze out. â€Å"Rusty, but not atrophied. My profession has resulted in just a bit of independent thinking.† â€Å"And you see a way out?† â€Å"No, but there must be one. Maybe Seldon made no provisions for the Mule. Maybe he didn't guarantee our victory. But, then, neither did he guarantee defeat. He's just out of the game and we're on our own. The Mule can be licked.† â€Å"How?† â€Å"By the only way anyone can be licked – by attacking in strength at weakness. See here, Randu, the Mule isn't a superman. If he is finally defeated, everyone will see that for himself. It's just that he's an unknown, and the legends cluster quickly. He's supposed to be a mutant. Well, what of that? A mutant means a ‘superman' to the ignoramuses of humanity. Nothing of the sort. â€Å"It's been estimated that several million mutants are born in the Galaxy every day. Of the several million, all but one or two percent can be detected only by means of microscopes and chemistry. Of the one or two percent macromutants, that is, those with mutations detectable to the naked eye or naked mind, all but one or two percent are freaks, fit for the amusement centers, the laboratories, and death. Of the few macromutants whose differences are to the good, almost all are harmless curiosities, unusual in some single respect, normal – and often subnormal – in most others. You see that, Randu?† â€Å"I do. But what of the Mule?† â€Å"Supposing the Mule to be a mutant then, we can assume that he has some attribute, undoubtedly mental, which can be used to conquer worlds. In other respects, he undoubtedly has his shortcomings, which we must locate. He would not be so secretive, so shy of others' eyes, if these shortcomings were not apparent and fatal. If he's a mutant.† â€Å"Is there an alternative?† â€Å"There might be. Evidence for mutation rests on Captain Han Pritcher of what used to be Foundation's Intelligence. He drew his conclusions from the feeble memories of those who claimed to know the Mule-or somebody who might have been the Mule – in infancy and early childhood. Pritcher worked on slim pickings there, and what evidence he found might easily have been planted by the Mule for his own purposes, for it's certain that the Mule has been vastly aided by his reputation as a mutant-superman.† â€Å"This is interesting. How long have you thought that?† â€Å"I never thought that, in the sense of believing it. It is merely an alternative to be considered. For instance, Randu, suppose the Mule has discovered a form of radiation capable of depressing mental energy just as he is in possession of one which depresses nuclear reactions. What then, eh? Could that explain what's hitting us now – and what did hit the Foundation?† Randu seemed immersed in a near-wordless gloom. He said, â€Å"What of your own researches on the Mule's clown.† And now Ebling Mis hesitated. â€Å"Useless as yet. I spoke bravely to the mayor previous to the Foundation's collapse, mainly to keep his courage up – partly to keep my own up as well. But, Randu, if my mathematical tools were up to it, then from the clown alone I could analyze the Mule completely. Then we would have him. Then we could solve the queer anomalies that have impressed me already.† â€Å"Such as?† â€Å"Think, man. The Mule defeated the navies of the Foundation at will, but he has not once managed to force the much weaker fleets of the Independent Traders to retreat in open combat. The Foundation fell at a blow; the Independent Traders hold out against all his strength. He first used Extinguishing Field upon the nuclear weapons of the Independent Traders of Mnemon. The element of surprise lost them that battle but they countered the Field. He was never able to use it successfully against the Independents again. â€Å"But over and over again, it worked against Foundation forces. It worked on the Foundation itself. Why? With our present knowledge, it is all illogical. So there must be factors of which we are not aware.† â€Å"Treachery?† â€Å"That's rattle-pated nonsense, Randu. Unprintable twaddle. There wasn't a man on the Foundation who wasn't sure of victory. Who would betray a certain-to-win side.† Randu stepped to the curved window and stared unseeingly out into the unseeable. He said, â€Å"But we're certain to lose now, if the Mule had a thousand weaknesses; if he were a network of holes-â€Å" He did not turn. It was as if the slump of his back, the nervous groping for one another of the hands behind him that spoke. He said, â€Å"We escaped easily after the Time Vault episode, Ebling. Others might have escaped as well. A few did. Most did not. The Extinguishing Field could have been counteracted. It asked ingenuity and a certain amount of labor. All the ships of the Foundation Navy could have flown to Haven or other nearby planets to continue the fight as we did. Not one percent did so. In effect, they deserted to the enemy. â€Å"The Foundation underground, upon which most people here seem to rely so heavily, has thus far done nothing of consequence. The Mule has been politic enough to promise to safeguard the property and profits of the great Traders and they have gone over to him.† Ebling Mis said stubbornly, â€Å"The plutocrats have always been against us.† â€Å"They always held the power, too. Listen, Ebling. We have reason to believe that the Mule or his tools have already been in contact with powerful men among the Independent Traders. At least ten of the twenty-seven Trading Worlds are known to have gone over to the Mule. Perhaps ten more waver. There are personalities on Haven itself who would not be unhappy over the Mule's domination. It's apparently an insurmountable temptation to give up endangered political power, if that will maintain your hold over economic affairs. â€Å" â€Å"You don't think Haven can fight the Mule?† â€Å"I don't think Haven will.† And now Randu turned his troubled face full upon the psychologist. â€Å"I think Haven is waiting to surrender. It's what I called you here to tell you. I want you to leave Haven.† Ebling Mis puffed up his plump checks in amazement. â€Å"Already?† Randu felt horribly tired. â€Å"Ebling, you are the Foundation's greatest psychologist. The real master-psychologists went out with Seldon, but you're the best we have. You're our only chance of defeating the Mule. You can't do that here; you'll have to go to what's left of the Empire.† â€Å"To Trantor?† â€Å"That's right. What was once the Empire is bare bones today, but something must still be at the center. They've got the records there, Ebling. You may learn more of mathematical psychology; perhaps enough to be able to interpret the clown's mind. He will go with you, of course.† Mis responded dryly, â€Å"I doubt if he'd be willing to, even for fear of the Mule, unless your niece went with him.† â€Å"I know that. Toran and Bayta are leaving with you for that very reason. And, Ebling, there's another, greater purpose. Hari Seldon founded two Foundations three centuries ago; one at each end of the Galaxy. You must find that Second Foundation.†

The Role of Zoning in Urban Development

The Role of Zoning in Urban Development Introduction Zoning, as used in land utilization planning, involves designating permitted utilization of land depending on demarcated zones that distinguish one set of land utilization from another. The fundamental aim of zoning is to separate functions that cannot be harmonious and protect residential properties, as well as enterprises from developmental interference. It also protects the culture of a community.Advertising We will write a custom research paper sample on The Role of Zoning in Urban Development specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More The institutions involved in the zoning process include the local authorities like municipal and county councils mostly though it varies with countries. For instance, in Australia, Commonwealth land is not under regulation by the state, in Germany and France; however, zoning is under the regulation of the national and federal government. In zoning, the ventures that the land can be put into are r egulated, and such ventures include residential uses, agricultural purposes, commercial and industrial ventures. The state authorities use zoning as a tool of regulating private property so as to enhance economic development and growth. The Zoning Process The first step in the zoning process is the application conference. This is a meeting called upon by the Department of Planning and Zoning staff, as well as other departments to determine their specific development requirements (Walters 45). The next step is where the proponent submits two filled application forms, availing all the supplemental information, a comprehensive site plan, and the necessary processing that is required. â€Å"Upon receipt of the application, the planning and zoning department notifies the applicant of discrepancies if any, within fifteen days: If there are no errors, and the threshold for submission requirements is met, the application goes to public hearing† (Burke 22). The public hearing takes pl ace before the Planning and Zoning Commission. During the public hearing, other interested parties present their views that may be in favor of the application or be against it. The Planning Commission then makes its decisions and recommendations which it forwards to the County Council. Appeals or protests may be submitted to the City Council regarding the decisions arrived at by the Planning Commission to be looked at.Advertising Looking for research paper on business economics? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More The Planning Commission at this point is required to review the Site Development Plan jointly with the Department of Public Works, and Highways and Traffic Department as was submitted by the applicant. The plan is reviewed if it complies with the permit conditions. Bonds or escrows are established as a guarantee of improvements. Such improvements occur in the subdivision process and include water improvements, special landscaping and water detention improvements. After the initiation of the subdivision processing, the Zoning process is finalized. Importance of Zoning in Urban Development Zoning is a fundamental tool in any society that has its strategic plans to guide its growth and development. Zoning must be structured to adapt to the dynamic changes that occur in our lives and society at large. The various roles that zoning play in urban development include: Appropriate Designation of land Zoning regulations clearly define how land should be designated to various socio-economic activities of the region. This designation is aimed at avoiding conflicts between the various interested parties and the residents. Both land buyers and those who own land are able to know what to build and in which specific areas. For instance one is prohibited from building a factory within a residential area. The zoning laws give a clear definition of the residential zone, commercial zones, and the recreatio nal areas. Zoning is also important so as to avoid inconveniences and dangers posed to the residents occupying a certain area. For instance, a shopping mall inside a residential zone would result in traffic congestion; thus, posing danger to infants within such areas (Burke 36). As such, individuals must consider the regulations before erecting structures so as to avoid conflict with the law governing zoning. Ensure Easy Accessibility to Social Services Zoning sets aside specific areas to be utilized for road construction and other means of transport. The social services like sporting, drama services, public health services and security operations have their designated areas. The reservation of certain areas for social services enhances easy access to the services. The development of infrastructure also fastens transport and enhances mobility of people and services.Advertising We will write a custom research paper sample on The Role of Zoning in Urban Development specificall y for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Each of these facilities also has their preferred operating environments; for instance, schools must be located in a quiet surrounding to promote a learning atmosphere. On the other hand, recreational facilities are located in the city centre where most people can access them. Well maintained roads are very convenient to the passengers and the motorists because of efficiency (Walters 43). Regulating the Use of Real Estates Several municipal and county councils have established regulations to govern the development of Real Estates within their areas of jurisdiction. These councils are subdivided into zoning districts that allocate specific areas to specific socio-economic activities. According to relevant sources, the zoning regulations that regulate the utilization of real property control their use in relation to specific boundaries at the industrial, commercial, as well as residential levels. The local council evaluat es the character of the property and its suitability for the particular purpose. The laws must be applied universally across the local council and not be applied selectively. These regulations may also dictate the kind of buildings to be built, the recommended height of buildings, the kind of accessory utilities to be constructed, and the amount of light that each building obstructs. An Important Tool for Planners Zoning is an exercise that involves the demarcation of a region into well defined functional areas. In connection, planners use zoning to determine population density and redistribute it whenever necessary if they appear to apply much stress on the available resources. The relocation policy may also be applied so as to promote equitable development because when people resettle elsewhere, there are chances of town centers emerging; thus, attracting investors. Planners also use zoning as a method of enhancing the social and economic developments in society. It is used to dis tribute the various economic activities across the region. For instance, most industries are located close to the source of raw material with an aim of reducing transport costs. Similarly, the service industry is mainly situated in the Central Business District where their demand is high and the people there have remarkable disposable income.Advertising Looking for research paper on business economics? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Protects Natural Resources of Farmland The main farm-land protection policies applied by most governments include zoning, taxation, right-to-farm legislation and acquisition of development rights. The tax policies have proved fruitless, as they raise the area affected by impermanence syndrome. The right-to-farm legislation is enacted to protect farmers against unnecessary complaints from nearby residents. Agricultural zoning is an instrumental way of protecting farmland in many countries. Under this plan, farmers are allowed to sell their development rights to the public, which provide them with more capital for investment purposes. On the contrary, some pessimists argue that the zoning results in public pressure where population growth rate is on an increase. Zoning also recognizes the existence of natural resources like mines. Mineral mines always have their land reserved for them even if it means the locals must be displaced. This is to ensure the safety of the citizens should a calamity occur at the mining site. The forest reserves are always situated depending on the prevailing weather conditions that can sustain the forests naturally. These reserves must be situated in zones that receive plenty of rainfall. In its planning, the local government must set prohibit settlement along the riverbanks. As such, there must be a defined perimeter from the river that people are not allowed to put up structures. The local government in its beautification program should set aside land for the beautification of the environment to give it an aesthetic value. Future Growth and Development The future considerations must be made in the zoning process. For instance in a developing nation, the zoning must take into account the possibility of expansion of the infrastructure, the upgrading of various slums, the emergence of other urban centers and deforestation to increase land available for industrial development. Enforcing Building Codes Building codes regulate the structur al properties of a building and its safety. These codes are very essential in the most sensitive buildings that the host key economic activities and various dignitaries. These codes also ensure the stability and durability of a building. The codes are quite dynamic and change depending on the technological advancements. Minimum Design Standards The minimum designed standards as established by professional bodies are meant to ensure that buildings have the necessary aesthetic value as per international standards. These standards are also applied to ensure there is harmony in the architectural structures of a certain segment. Adherence to the set standards ensures a continuous development of safe and certified structures. Connectivity Zoning is a very crucial tool in connection of various zonal areas. The various zones as partitioned act as integration points for the various people in society as they go to look for the services offered by each division. The streets and highways constr ucted act as avenues for meeting new people and getting to know each other. The recreational facilities that are designated to certain parts serve as meeting points for a diverse group of people. The constructed highways also facilitate the connectivity from one zone to another. Zoning Ordinances The main aim of zoning ordinances is to establish the recommended uses for land under the ordinance. It divides a region into different functional zones. The ordinances established should ensure sufficient light and air. They must also ensure easy access and safety from raging fire. They must take into account policies that make the building free from flooding and enhance the flow of traffic in the highways. The ordinances also ensure that public health standards are observed. They must strive to provide comfort to the public and promote proper morals and general society welfare. Analysis of Density Zoning is used to analyze density of every aspect of life ranging from human beings, animals , vegetation, geographical features and housing. The density of the population is more in the most industrialized areas since these industries provide jobs and thus a source of livelihood (Gabroit 65). The density of residential houses in higher in the outskirts of the city where the environment is quiet. The density of motor vehicles is higher in the dual carriage highways than the single carriage highways. The density of livestock is higher in the arid and semi-arid lands due to the pastoral communities that live in those areas. T he density of industries is higher in the industrial areas due to the zoning done by the government that designated those areas for industrial development. Zoning as Used in Design The design of various structures is influenced by the zoning policies put in place by the local government. For instance, houses of a particular design will be concentrated only in one region. The sky scrapers are mainly located at the city centers while residential apartments are situated in the residential zones. The design of roads is also largely determined by the economic activities it supports. Superhighways that serve cross-border transit services are well maintained and designed as compared to feeder roads (Burke 29). Encourage construction of affordable housing units Once the zoning process has allocated a particular subdivision for a specific purpose, it is possible for investors in the construction industry to invest in the construction of affordable housing for the middle and low income groups. This leads to the emergence of affordable apartments for the residents. Challenges Facing Zoning as a Development Tool Zoning has led to the segregation of business areas and residential areas. It has also separated social housing from private housing. This has promoted the emergence of slums and shanties. The city centers have also witnessed the aging of their buildings due to the segregation because a reducing number of people travel to the city cent re. Insecurity also poses a challenge as people travel in masses mostly in the evenings and the buglers may take advantage of such situations. Another form of challenge comes in the form of discrimination racial, ethnic, economic or gender-based. Within the residential areas, some special interest groups may prefer to live as a community on their own (Gabriot 78). Legislation Setbacks One of the major setbacks in the zoning process is the fact that ordinances assume that division of land is usually a signal of an upcoming development (Burke 34). As a consequence, prospective buyers of such land will make more demands for the community public utilities. Another setback is the fact that property that was acquired before an ordinance came into force can only be given the nonconformities status. Nonconformities This is a term used to refer to a zoned piece of land whose utilization existed before the new zoning rules were enacted (Burke 37). These uses may not conform to the new rules. The nonconformity may be based on usage, structural design and other legal requirements. Conclusion Zoning is a tool that the local and central governments can use to spur economic growth and development. It is also used to enhance socio-economic integration among people. However, the allocation of land for specific purposes has led to scarcity of land and congestion of activities in the designated areas, leading to lack of competition among businesses and limitation on the available space for expansion. It has also led to urban sprawl and the development of slums and shanties. Burke, Barlow. Understanding the Law of Zoning and Land Use Controls. South Melbourne: LexisNexis Press, 2002. Print. Gabroit, Pascaline. European New Towns: Images, Identities, Future Perspectives. Brussels: Editions Scientific Internationales, 2010. Print. Walters, David. Designing Community, Charrettes, Masterplans and Form-based  Codes. London: Thomson Learning, 2007. Print.

Nuclear Deal Essay Example

Nuclear Deal Essay Example Nuclear Deal Essay Nuclear Deal Essay Nucle The Implications for the Indo-U. S. CivilNuclear Deal Justine Isola Justine Isola is Visiting International Fellow at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi August 26, 2010 Summary By some calculations, the chances that India will test a nuclear weapon in the coming years are not high. But if India again surprises the world as it did in 1998 with five nuclear explosions in the desert of Rajasthan, then conversations on the implications for the Indo-U. S. ivil-nuclear deal will begin. The record of debate on testing during negotiations reflects the depth of American concern that testing will lead to unstable nuclear escalation and the lengths the U. S. went to in order to deter India from conducting new tests. But it also underscores U. S. resolve to forge a new relationship with India despite evident disagreement on a thorny issue. Studying the finely wrought language of the deal reveals some persisting ambiguity about how the deal would be affected if India were to resume testing.However, in the event of a test, it’s a safe bet that several factors will play into determining U. S. response: the preferences of U. S. leaders, domestic lobbying, and geopolitical balance of power considerations. This response will be constrained by the strength of the U. S. -India relationship. Further, due to Indias deepening nuclear ties with the rest of the world, any U. S. response may have only a modest impact on India. If India Tests? The Implications for the Indo-U. S. Civil-Nuclear Deal 2 e The conclusion of the Indo-U. S. civil-nuclear deal in the fall of 2008 arked the end of three years of negotiations between the U. S. and India. Completion of the deal should not, however, obscure the history of domestic debate within the U. S. and India on how the terms of the deal apply. One issue on which lack of consensus notably persists within the U. S. is how the deal would be affected by India testing a nuclear weapon. As a Carnegie Endowment pub lication released during the thick of negotiations predicted, on the topic of nuclear testing, â€Å"[t]he ambiguities of this agreement invite future disputes and recriminations. 1 More recently, a Council on Foreign Relations backgrounder on the deal echoed this sentiment, referring to the repercussions of testing as â€Å"a potential area of dispute. †2 Examining U. S. laws on nuclear exports and cooperation suggests that the President would have to take some mandatory steps in response to a test. But (s)he would also have some discretionary authority. Looking at public statements and government debate on the issue of testing when Congress was negotiating the terms of the deal only underscores this lingering uncertainty about what India can expect from the U.S. if it resumes testing. However, several factors will certainly play into determining whether testing would jeopardize the agreement: who is in power in Washington, the strength of domestic interest groups, and bala nce of power geopolitics. Analysis of these factors suggests that the increasingly close ties between the U. S. and India may leave the U. S. with limited options for influencing India’s behaviour. Burgeoning nuclear ties between India and the rest of the world may further mean that the end of U. S. nuclear cooperation would have only a modest impact on India.The letter of the law U. S. President Bush and Indian Prime Minister Singh’s July 18, 2005, joint statement on civilian nuclear cooperation ushered in a heated debate between their two governments on the terms of this partnership. 3 Testing emerged as one of the most contentious issues from the start. Despite Prime Minister Singh’s promise in the joint statement to continue India’s unilateral moratorium on nuclear testing, many non-proliferation advocates in the U. S. were unhappy that the proposed agreement on cooperation did not explicitly prohibit Indian testing.The stakes were nuclear escalation in an unstable South Asia and the spectre of Indian testing triggering global proliferation. Some noted that the terms of 1 See chart accompanying Sharon Squassoni’s â€Å"Issues in U. S. -India Nuclear Cooperation,† Proliferation Analysis, November 7, 2007, carnegieendowment. org/npp/publications/ index. cfm? fa=view;id=19697. Jayshree Bajoria and Esther Pan, â€Å"The U. S. -India Nuclear Deal,† Backgrounder, Council on Foreign Relations, Updated November 20, 2009, cfr. org/publication/9663/ usindia_nuclear_deal_html. Joint Statement Between President George W. Bush and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh,† July 18, 2005, armscontrol. org/print/3292. 2 3 IDSA Issue Brief 3 the deal could in fact make it easier for India to test. 4 Others simply saw not tying the deal to India signing the Comprehensive Test-Ban Treaty as a missed opportunity for nonproliferation. 5 They pushed for stronger language on the consequences of testing. It was against this backdrop that Congress was conducting hearings on amending U. S. domestic law to loosen nuclear export legislation - the first hurdle to approving the civil-nuclear deal.The U. S. Atomic Energy Act (AEA) requires a formal agreement delineating the terms of civil-nuclear cooperation and stipulates that several criteria be met before such a â€Å"123 agreement† - so-called after section 123 of the Act - can go into effect. Congress had to exempt the proposed U. S. -India 123 Agreement from some of those criteria. Specifically, Congress had to excuse India from full-scope safeguards on all of its nuclear facilities and allow exports even though India had tested nuclear weapons in 1998. These were two equirements negotiators recognized early on as impossible to meet. 6 President Bush signed the Henry J. Hyde United States-India Peaceful Atomic Energy Cooperation Act into law on December 18, 2006, granting the above exemptions and preliminary approval to the civil-nuclear deal. This leg islation arguably comes down clearly on the consequences of future tests: It specifies that all waivers â€Å"shall cease to be effective if the President determines that India has detonated a nuclear explosive device after the date of the enactment of this title. 7 And it does not exempt India from an Atomic Energy Act provision that in the event of a test, a partner country must return nuclear material and equipment acquired through trade. 8 Of course, the President retains the authority subsequently to waive the AEA’s termination of cooperation requirements if he determines that the â€Å"cessation of such exports would be seriously prejudicial to the achievement of United States non-proliferation objectives or otherwise jeopardize the common defence and security. †9 Whether or not the U. S. 4See Michael Krepon’s comments at Arms Control Association briefing, â€Å"The Senate and the U. S. Indian Nuclear Deal: Issues and Alternatives,† November 14, 20 06, armscontrol. org/ print/3230. See Paul K. Kerr, â€Å"U. S. Nuclear Cooperation with India: Issues for Congress,† Congressional Research Service, November 5, 2009, p. 14. Kerr, p. 33. See section 106 â€Å"Inoperability of Determination and Waivers† of Henry J. Hyde United StatesIndia Peaceful Atomic Energy Cooperation Act of 2006. See section 123(a)(4) of the Atomic Energy Act. Kerr, p. 32. 5 6 7 8 9 If India Tests?The Implications for the Indo-U. S. Civil-Nuclear Deal 4 e would in fact require India to return all transferred materials could well depend on what was transferred. If for example, India had only received supplies inconsequential for proliferation at the time of termination, the U. S. would not likely require the return of materials. But the Hyde Act and the Atomic Energy Act clearly provide Congress with unambiguous grounds (some would say mandatory obligations) for ending the deal and requiring India to return nuclear material if India were to again test weapons.In debating the Hyde Act, the U. S. Congress also addressed concerns that the civil-nuclear deal would make it easier for India to test. For example, then-Senator Obama had proposed an amendment to the bill to â€Å"clarify United States policy in order to deter nuclear testing by foreign governments. †10 This amendment, which encourages limits on Indian reactor fuel reserves in order to make testing more difficult in the event of a cut-off of supplies, appeared in the final version of the Hyde Act as Section 103 (b) (10). 1 Following passage of the Hyde Act, the next hurdle to wrapping up the civil-nuclear deal was garnering Congressional approval for the 123 Agreement reached between leaders in Washington and New Delhi in July 2007. The 123 Agreement’s language on testing is not as clear-cut as that of the Hyde and Atomic Energy Acts. 123 agreements usually explicitly prohibit testing. But India had successfully prevented the agreement from including la nguage explicitly stating that renewed nuclear testing would lead to termination of U. S. supplies.The provisions of the 123 Agreement thus raised some questions about whether the U. S. would in fact act decisively were India to test. 12 Congress scrutinized the 123 Agreement’s compliance with the testing provisions of the Hyde and Atomic Energy Acts, focusing on the following passages: The 123 Agreement states that â€Å"[e]ither Party shall have the right to terminate this Agreement prior to its expiration on one year’s written notice to the other Party. †13 10 â€Å"United States-India Peaceful Atomic Energy Cooperation Act,† Congressional Record, November 16, 2006, p. S10985.For more on Senator Obama’s positions on the civil-nuclear deal see Brahma Chellaney, â€Å"Obama’s India-Nuclear Legacy,† Asian Age, June 18, 2008, http:// chellaney. spaces. live. com/blog/cns! 4913C7C8A2EA4A30! 622. entry. Section 103(b)(10) of the Hyde Act states, â€Å"Any nuclear power reactor fuel reserve provided to the Government of India for use in safeguarded civilian nuclear facilities should be commensurate with reasonable reactor operating requirements. † Chellaney’s article is the source for information about Obama’s amendment appearing in the final version of the bill.For further discussion of perceived inconsistencies between the Hyde Act and the 123 Agreement, see Proceedings of the Brookings Institution, July 30, 2008, Washington, D. C. â€Å"The U. S. -India Nuclear Agreement,† participants Stephen P. Cohen, Strobe Talbott, R. Nicholas burns, and Robert Einhorn, scribd. com/doc/6397716/Steve-P-Cohen-The-USIndia-NuclearAgreement-the-Brookings-Institution. All citations from version of â€Å"Agreement for Cooperation Between the Government of the United States of America and the Government of India Concerning Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy (123 Agreement)† released by U. S.Department of State, August 3 2007, merln. ndu. edu/archivepdf/ india/State/90157. pdf. 11 12 13 IDSA Issue Brief 5 However, the agreement advises both the U. S. and India to â€Å"consider the relevant circumstances† and â€Å"take into account whether the circumstances that may lead to termination or cessation resulted from a Party’s serious concern about a changed security environment or as a response to similar actions by other States which could impact national security. † Further, the agreement urges both countries to â€Å"recognize that exercising the right of return† to compel India to send back any nuclear material acquired from the U.S. â€Å"would have profound implications for [U. S. -India] relations. † Finally, the agreement also spells out how the U. S. would help India work with other countries on ensuring its fuel supply if the U. S. were to cease supplying to India. 14 Such stipulations provide manoeuvring room for India to defend a decisi on to test as a response to a new security threat from countries such as China or Pakistan and arguably, for the U. S. to find creative ways to respond. Primary sources from when Congress was conducting hearings on the deal offer some clues to how the U.S. could interpret the above language in future scenarios. For example, correspondence between Chairman of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs Tom Lantos and State Department assistant secretary for legislative affairs Jeffrey T. Bergner reflects Congressional concern about what was left unsaid in the 123 Agreement. In response to the question â€Å"Would any of these commitments continue to apply if India detonated a nuclear explosive device? If so, under what circumstances? †, the State Department offered reassurances that the U.S. would have the right to cease nuclear cooperation with India â€Å"immediately. †15 In response to concern that the fuel supply assurances would mitigate the effects of U. S. cut-off, th e State Department clarified that the purpose of these assurances was to â€Å"guard against disruptions of fuel supply to India that might occur through no fault of India’s own. †16 In response to a question about how provisions for a â€Å"lifetime† supply for India’s safeguarded reactors was consistent with Senator Obama’s amendment on limiting fuel 14 The United States will support an Indian effort to develop a strategic reserve of nuclear fuel to guard against any disruption of supply over the lifetime of India’s reactors. If despite these arrangements, a disruption of fuel supplies to India occurs, the United States and India would jointly convene a group of friendly supplier countries to include countries such as Russia, France and the United Kingdom to pursue such measures as would restore fuel supply to India,† Ibid. â€Å"Questions for the Record submitted to Assistant Secretary Bergner by Chairman Tom Lantos House Committee on Foreign Affairs,† October 5, 2007, Question 16.Ibid. , Questions 17 and 18. 15 16 If India Tests? The Implications for the Indo-U. S. Civil-Nuclear Deal 6 e reactor reserves, the State Department replied simply, â€Å"[w]e do not read these provisions to be inconsistent. †17 Finally, when asked why the agreement does not contain â€Å"explicit† language on â€Å"actions that would give the U. S. the right to terminate nuclear cooperation† in the event of a test, the State Department answered that the agreement â€Å"provides for a clear right for the U. S. o terminate nuclear cooperation and a right to require the return of equipment and materials subject to the agreement in all of the circumstances required under the Atomic Energy Act, including if India detonated a nuclear explosive device†¦Ã¢â‚¬ 18 These exchanges offer some insight into how the U. S. could interpret the provisions on testing and termination in the various components of the c ivil-nuclear deal should India ever again test. In underscoring the U. S. right to end cooperation and request the return of nuclear materials, the State Department does not specify whether such a response would be mandatory.Eleventh-hour controversy and persisting post-deal ambiguities The clarifications provided by the State Department did not put an end to debate about Indian testing. In fact, the testing controversy remained live even after President Bush signed the United States-India Nuclear Cooperation Approval and Nonproliferation Enhancement Act, the legislation that approved the 123 Agreement. For example, before sending the bill to the President, the Senate rejected an eleventh-hour amendment to end nuclear exports if India were to test nuclear weapons. 19And even so, the Indian government was taking no chances.Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice had arrived in New Delhi several days after Congress approved the bill and was expected by many to get Indian Foreign Minister Pranab Mukherjee’s signature on the agreement. 20 But the Indian government insisted that President Bush sign first, reportedly in the hope that Bush would make a final statement speaking to India’s concerns about continued fuel supplies if India were to conduct a test. 21 On October 8, 2008, President Bush signed the bill without the much-sought after explicit language on the repercussions of testing.In his statement, he noted simply that the legislation authorizing the 123 Agreement â€Å"does not change the 17 18 19 Ibid. , Question 19. Ibid. , Question 35. Bajoria and Pan. Amendment was S. AMDT. 5683 to H. R. 7081 â€Å"To prohibit nuclear trade with India in the event that India detonates a nuclear weapon and to impose certain certification, reporting, and control requirements. † The amendment was introduced and rejected on October 1, 2008. The Senate passed H. R. 7081 the same day. Rama Lakshmi, â€Å"Glitch Delays Signing of India Nuclear Pact,† T he Washington Post, October 5, 2008. Ibid. 20 21IDSA Issue Brief 7 fuel assurance commitments that the United States Government has made to the Government of India, as recorded in [the agreement]. †22 Just weeks after Bush signed the 123 Agreement, The Washington Times ran an editorial chastising his administration and Congress for approving the deal and urging the incoming Obama administration to end cooperation if India were to resume testing. 23 Citing â€Å"serious concerns† about the deal’s compliance with the standards of the Hyde Act, the authors argued that â€Å"the next administration must make it clear that conditionality or not, the U.S. will cut off nuclear supplies if India conducts another test. † 24 The Obama administration has not released such a statement. More recently, disagreement on the testing issue contributed to delays resolving the latest successfully concluded aspect of the nuclear deal - the terms of the agreement that will all ow India to reprocess spent fuel. In an April 5, 2010, interview, the Carnegie Endowment’s Mark Hibbs was asked about what would happen to the reprocessing agreement if India were to test a nuclear weapon. Hibbs explained that lthough â€Å"[t]he arrangements do not explicitly state that an Indian nuclear test would be grounds for suspending U. S. consent to reprocessing †¦ the United States could base suspension upon its determination that a test constituted a serious threat to U. S. national security. †25 An Arms Control Association report on the terms of the reprocessing agreement clarifies how the repercussions of testing could play out, citing the language of the agreement: The â€Å"sole grounds† for seeking suspension are â€Å"exceptional circumstances limited to† a determination by either party that â€Å"continuance of reprocessing of U.S. -obligated material at the Facility would result in a serious threat to the Party’s national s ecurity† and a determination that â€Å"suspension is an unavoidable measure. †26 The testing issues, it appears, will not be laid to rest anytime soon. Forecasting U. S. response The above overview provides ample evidence of the primacy of the testing issue in negotiations about the civil-nuclear deal and persisting post-deal ambiguities. As this analysis demonstrates, despite vigorous debate and careful examination of the language of each component of the deal, U.S. response to an Indian test is arguably uncertain. Those who want to predict U. S. response should also be mindful that whatever the deal 23 Lawrence J. Korb and Winny Chen, â€Å"U. S. must suspend deal if India tests another nuke,† The Washington Times, November 11, 2008. Ibid. Mark Hibbs, â€Å"Moving Forward on the U. S. -India Nuclear Deal,† Carnegie Endowment, Q;A, April 5, 2010, http://carnegieendowment. org/publications/index. cfm? fa=view;id=40491. Daniel Horner, Arms Control Today, à ¢â‚¬Å"India, U. S. Agree on Terms for Reprocessing,† May 2010, rmscontrol. org/act/2010_05/US-IndiaReprocessing). 24 25 26 If India Tests? The Implications for the Indo-U. S. Civil-Nuclear Deal 8 e says, the president and a simple majority in Congress could enact freestanding legislation to end cooperation. 27 For these reasons, in addition to mining the relevant legislation to identify triggers for termination, onlookers should consider how factors such as the makeup of leadership in Washington, pressures from domestic interest groups, and geopolitical context could play a decisive role in shaping this response.Who’s in power in Washington – Studying the copious record of debate on testing is a reminder of the fact that the Bush administration and Congress did not see eye to eye on all aspects of the deal. With a new president and newly elected members of Congress, some of these fault lines may again appear in the future. President Obama’s statements and positions as a senator give reason to believe he would favour acting decisively if India were to test. Some observers have even contended that the Obama administration has been deliberately slow to implement the civil-nuclear deal, perhaps reflecting residual opposition to its terms. 8 If the American public does not re-elect Obama for a second term, this calculus would shift. Turnover in Congress after the upcoming midterm elections could also shake things up. Domestic interest groups – No matter who is in the White House, any President deciding whether or not to terminate cooperation would want to factor into consideration the growing influence of the Indian American lobby in the U. S. and its perception of a U. S. response. 29 The deal signified an elevation of U. S. -India partnership. Ending the deal could be similarly symbolically significant. Business interests will also shape the nature of U. S. esponse. Some critics of the nuclear deal have long held that business i nterests drove the initiative. 30 And economic self-interest could certainly reduce the likelihood of U. S. termination. American companies such as GE Hitachi and Westinghouse that are poised to construct nuclear reactors in Andhra Pradesh and Gujarat will not want to be cut out of Indian markets. 31 According to a U. S. -India trade group, such business may be worth $130 billion by 2030. 32 27 See Michael A. Levi and Charles D. Ferguson, â€Å"U. S. India Cooperation: A Strategy for Moving Forward,† CSR No. 16, June 2006, Council on Foreign Relations, p. 9. Raja Karthikeya, â€Å"India’s CTBT debate: Conviction or Con‘fusion,’† published on the website of the Center for Strategic and International Studies (http://csis. org), Sept. 28, 2009. For coverage of the growing influence of the Indian American lobby see Mira Kamdar, â€Å"Forget the Israel Lobby. The Hill’s Next Big Player Is Made in India,† The Washington Post, September 30, 2 007, washingtonpost. com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/09/28/ AR2007092801350. html. See for example J. Sri Raman, â€Å"The U. S. -India nuclear deal – one year later,† Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, October 1, 2009, hebulletin. org/web-edition/features/the-us-indianuclear-deal-one-year-later. Randy Woods, â€Å"India names sites to host reactors by GE Hitachi, Westinghouse,† Nucleonics Week, October 22, 2009. Mark Hibbs, â€Å"Moving Forward on the U. S. -India Nuclear Deal,† Carnegie Endowment, Q;A, April 5, 2010, http://carnegieendowment. org/publications/index. cfm? fa=view;id=40491. 28 29 30 31 32 IDSA Issue Brief 9 Balance of power geopolitics – Concern about preserving the balance of power in Asia and assessing the motives that may have led India to test in the first place will also play a role in determining U.S. response to an Indian test. India may in the future want to expand its nuclear arsenal or increase the credibility of its th ermonuclear deterrent in response to developments in neighbouring countries. If India were to test following overt territorial aggression by China or Pakistan, then it is probable the U. S. government would indeed excuse Indian tests. If India were to test in the wake of testing by China or Pakistan, it is again possible that the U. S. would tolerate a reciprocal act, though it is hard to imagine officials in Washington not feeling compelled to respond in some shape or form.It should also be noted that the U. S. will probably have to impose sanctions on India regardless of what steps (if any) it takes with respect to ending nuclear cooperation. The Glenn Amendment to the Arms Export Control Act mandates that the U. S. cease assistance to any non-nuclear weapons state involved in the transfer or use of a nuclear explosive device, although the president has authority to delay imposing sanctions if he deems they would be â€Å"detrimental to the national security of the United Statesà ¢â‚¬  and waive them entirely with Congress’s approval. 3 This was the law triggered in 1998 when India conducted five nuclear explosions in the desert of Rajasthan. But the impact of such sanctions has been debated. 34 The political will to maintain sanctions against India (and Pakistan, which had conducted its own nuclear tests following India’s tests) seems to have been lacking as penalizing India became less important than securing business opportunities and India’s partnership on emerging regional security concerns. Congress repealed sanctions against India less than two years after they went into effect. 5 As the above snapshots of the factors that could determine a U. S. response to Indian testing suggest, people-to-people, business, and security ties between the U. S. and India have only grown since then. These factors (with the exception of the make-up of U. S. leadership) demonstrate the ways in which U. S. response to Indian testing could be complica ted by the transformation of the U. S. -India relationship since the end of the Cold War. Increasing partnership may limit the scenarios under which the U. S. would end the civil-nuclear deal or take supplementary steps such as imposing sanctions.Why ending the deal may not matter to India Understanding how India will be impacted by a U. S. response to testing is as important 33 See Section 102(b) of the Arms Control Export Act. India is a non-nuclear weapons state as defined by the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. For a comprehensive discussion of the impact of the 1998 sanctions against India and Pakistan see Robert M. Hathaway, â€Å"Confrontation and Retreat: The U. S. Congress and the South Asian Nuclear Tests,† Arms Control Today, January/February 2000, armscontrol. org/act/2000_0102/rhjf00. Ibid. 34 35 If India Tests?The Implications for the Indo-U. S. Civil-Nuclear Deal 10 e considering the nature of the response. There is good reason to believe that India would as n ot be adversely affected by a cut-off of U. S. nuclear supplies. Even if the U. S. stops nuclear cooperation with India, several other countries are poised to step in and begin exporting fuel and technology to India. Shortly before Congress approved the deal, the Nuclear Supplies Group agreed to exempt India from the usual rules governing global nuclear trade, freeing India to cooperate with other NSG member states on nuclear trade.India currently has bilateral nuclear agreements in place with the U. S. , France, Russia, Kazakhstan and Canada. 36 The NSG exemption opening up trade with India may in fact be the most significant legacy of the civil-nuclear deal. As George Perkovich explains, â€Å"[i]f India were to test a nuclear device after several years of receiving fuel imports, it would be able to withstand interruption of foreign fuel supplies, especially if in the intervening period India increases its own uranium mining operations. 37 This analysis suggests that Senator Obam a was prescient when pushing for limits on Indian reactor fuel reserves. In the future, however, cut-off of U. S. supplies may not be a sufficient tool for preventing Indian proliferation. Conclusion By some calculations, the chances that India will test a nuclear weapon in the coming years have never been high, deal or no deal. But if India again surprises the world as it did in 1998, then conversations on the implications for the deal will undoubtedly be about more than its finely wrought language.The above record of debate on testing speaks to the depth of American concern that testing will lead to unstable nuclear escalation and to the lengths the U. S. went to in order to deter India from conducting new tests. But the end result of those negotiations also underscores U. S. resolve to forge a new relationship with India despite evident disagreement on a thorny issue. In the event of a test, it’s a safe bet that the preferences of U. S. eaders, domestic lobbying, and geopo litical balance of power considerations will play a role in determining U. S. response. The effect of that response on an India that is itself deepening ties with the U. S. and diversifying its partnerships is equally worth contemplating. 36 Urjit R. Patel, â€Å"Crucial Deadline for Nuclear Energy Business in India,† The Brookings Institution, brookings. edu/opinions/2010/0817_nuclear_energy_india_patel. aspx. George Perkovich, â€Å"Global implications of the U. S-India deal,† Daedalus, Winter 2010, p. 26. 37